More on this ... quick fast (call it a draft?


  More on this planet
   more on this day
            in this day
    of this day night
     More of the over cast sky but it's a heaven ward earth rotated rotatting not just for me
                                 but for thousands   and hundreds of others  
    who   are
        More on this turning
                 this turning toe 



.. don't blame it on the moon


  Don't blame it on the moon
    or the room you're sitting in  ....

those two lines and the title were written a long time ago and I don't think I have it any longer and those are the only two lines I                    r    e            c        a    l  l   .



as golden spice


Do not kick your butt! I forbid! this!
I want to kiss it so treat it nice/treat it nice/ as golden spice!

but at this second don't you dare be cruel  to your bum/
your hunkers/
your buttocks
your ass or arse/ or fanny.





  M                        o          n                                                            d                a                        y 

M                        o          n                                                            d                a                        y

M                        o          n                                                            d                a                        y 

re: ..bin

Now that's an older text but what's older in a plateau? or strata? a piece of geologic   stone jutting out?


  it indicates a space   . but is that how it's said?

  its a threshold? a place of passage a navigator's growl

 where fictionbecomings real.

Ah! the temptation  Jill revs her motor up down the rung fleet of road and karmic bend a . piece of toast is ready! yr starving yet! boyo!




   who has written the song of your
   body? gleaming
    marmareos and marble-sky



' this

this way no one will hear 
  you will be dead as the shutters ringing in the tide
banging on the pane clattering with  the dust
holding the hinge back




burning lakes  are getting                 bigger  .

  how does hell which is eternal get 'larger' to accomodate the eternal scum heading there from earth?

   those that attacked Earth for decades, days, the  decententials , the whores of cripples,   life haters,

 the ones that supported the earthquake in Haiti,     those who supported the bombing of villages

 the President sending his drones to kill familes of marriages

 the former presidents made of oil and beef

      and the  then , Dante    reassures me it's gotten bigger, and other messengers and voices of the dead  ,

  speak   to             me  ,           with their wishes and hope   s                        the single and plural   ,

  There!  his heavy finger pointing downward   

                   its the lake,   pretty big              boiling over ,  gurgling,,,  hot

 churning round       noisy ,,, i mean turning ,   like  spinning , sor t of or,  chugging
       like a  cement mixer  anyhow, its shitty, terrifying     the stink coming up is beyond telling  , i mean  its like the stink o f   say    a  dead street of corpses in   ___ say after an  -----  air-force jet has bombed a civilian district   leaving mothers and babies bloody behind crying
or a village in Africa, the Congo say    where the guerrillas from a so called liberation force have killed everyone
or Laos where millions of tons of bombs were dropped murdering millions
or the   fields of Cambodia
   youc an  name any number of murders and massacres they're all here

  lined up in living color

  down they go



   escalator to hell

ISp hell

Upstairs the saints are flying around cloud clovers and over and high sky and cloud cover is  love     .

  how can hell reach heaven?


Michael Hardt. The Common Wealth in a Just World. 2010


Michael Hardt speaking about about the common wealth, the duality of the common ground and the creative commons, capitalism, the need for a new political reality, the new world order and its terms. Michael Hardt lecturing about a process of transformation, the rise of a network power, the role of information, association and affects, property and labor conditions, the definition of time, the working day, precarious work, and the modes of affection in a lecture entitled "The Common Wealth / Was wir in einer gerechteren Welt gemeinsam besitzen können" at the Schaubühne Berlin. A Streitgespräch led by journalist Carolin Emcke at the Schaubühne in Berlin, Germany, March 21, 2010


That this


   that this dear Lady
                 dear Madamoiselle rested and had a good night's sleep I've sent this
request to the gods! of dream and rejuvenation!
    of  that second course let her return ! booming! faring forth!
                 that she wakes up fresh as a daisy!



More on and about Greece ...



Alain Badiou: Eleven points inspired by the situation in Greece

By Alain Badiou, Athens, 7 July. Originally published in Liberation. Translated from the French by David Broder.

Copyright: Giovanni Tusa 2014.

It is urgently necessary to internationalise the Greek people’s cause. Only the total elimination of the debt would bring an "ideological blow" to the current European system.

1. The Greek people’s massive "No" does not mean a rejection of Europe. It means a rejection of the bankers’ Europe, of infinite debt and of globalised capitalism.

2. Isn’t it true that part of nationalist opinion, or even of the far Right, also voted "No" to the financial institutions’ demands – to the diktat from Europe’s reactionary governments? Well, yes, we know that any purely negative vote will be partly confused. It has always been the case that the far Right can reject certain things that the far Left also rejects. The only clear thing is the affirmation of what we want. But everyone knows that what Syriza wants is opposed to what the nationalists and the fascists want. So the vote is not just a generic vote against the anti-popular demands of globalised capitalism and its European servants. It is also, for the moment, a vote of confidence in the Tsipras government.

3. The fact that this is happening in Greece and not – as ought to be the case – everywhere else in Europe, indicates that the European "Left" has sunk into an irreversible coma. François Hollande? German Social Democracy? Spain’s PSOE? PASOK in Greece? The Labour Party?  All these parties are now overtly the managers of globalised capitalism. There is not – there is no longer – a European "Left". There is a little hope, which is still not very clearly defined, in the wholly new political formations linked to the mass movement against debt and austerity, namely Podemos in Spain and Syriza in Greece. As it happens, Podemos repudiate the distinction between "Left" and "Right". I do, too. It belongs to the old world of parliamentary politics, which must be destroyed.

4. The Tsipras government’s tactical victory offers encouragement to all new propositions in the political field. The parliamentary system and its government parties have been in an endemic crisis for decades, since the 1980s. Syriza’s successes in Greece – even if they are temporary ones – are part of what I have called "the reawakening of History" in Europe. This can only help Podemos, and everything that is to come, in future and elsewhere, over the ruins of classic parliamentary democracy.

5. However, in my opinion the situation in Greece remains a very difficult, very fragile one. It’s now that the true difficulties will begin. It is possible that the Merkels, the Hollandes and the other executors of European capital’s power will alter their demands in light of the tactical success of the referendum (a vote that makes them into defendants in the court of history). But it is necessary to act without paying too much attention to them. The crucial point, now, is to know whether the "No" vote will expand into a powerful popular movement, supporting and/or exercising acute pressure on the government itself.

6. Indeed, how should we judge the Tsipras government today? Five months ago he decided to start by negotiating. He wanted to buy time. He wanted to be able to say that he had done everything to reach an agreement. I’d have preferred him to begin in a different way: with an immediate appeal for a mass, extended popular mobilisation involving millions of people, with its central demand being the complete abolition of the debt. And also through an intensive struggle against the speculators, corruption, the rich who don’t pay their taxes, the arms manufacturers, the Church… But I am not Greek, and I don’t want to give lessons. I don’t know if an action so centred on popular mobilisation – in a sense, a rather dictatorial action – was possible. For the moment, after five months of the Tsipras government, there has been this victorious referendum and the situation remains completely open. That is already a lot.

7. I continue to think that the hardest ideological blow that could be struck against the current European system is represented by the demand for the complete elimination of Greece’s debt – a speculators’ debt for which the Greek people bears absolutely no responsibility. Objectively, it is possible to eliminate the Greek debt: plenty of economists – far from all of them revolutionary – think that Europe has to cancel it. But politics is subjective, in which sense it is different from pure economics. Europe’s governments are absolutely determined to prevent a Syriza triumph on this score. Such a victory would open the way to Podemos, and after that, perhaps other powerful popular movements in Europe’s larger countries. So Europe’s governments – urged on by financial lobbies – want to punish Syriza, punish the Greek people, rather than resolve the debt problem. The best way to punish these punishers themselves would be to default on the debt, whatever the risks that this would entail. Argentina did it a few years ago, and it isn’t dead – far from it.

8. Everywhere there is agitation over the possibility of Greece’s "exit" from Europe. But in truth it is the European reactionaries who are brandishing this notion. They’re the ones making "Grexit" an immediate threat. They hope that this will frighten people. The correct line, which up till now has been the position taken by both Syriza and Podemos, is to say: "We are staying in Europe. We only want – as is our right – to change the rules of this Europe. We want it to stop being a transmission belt between globalised liberal capitalism and the continuation of peoples’ suffering. We want a really free, people’s Europe". It’s up to the reactionaries to say what they think of that. If they want to chase Greece out, let them try! On this point, the ball is in their court.

9. We hear of geopolitical fears mounting in the background. And what if Greece did turn to people other than the Whipping Fathers and Mothers [Père fouettard: a kind of anti-Santa Claus, who punishes naughty children at Christmas] of Europe? Well, I’ll say this: all European governments have an independent foreign policy. They cultivate entirely cynical friendships, like Hollande’s ties with Saudi Arabia. Faced with the pressures to which it is being subjected, Greece can and must have just as free a policy. The European reactionaries want to punish the Greek people, and, as such, it has the right to seek foreign help in order to diminish or prevent the effects of this punishment. Greece can and must turn to Russia, the Balkan countries, China, Brazil, and even to its old historic enemy Turkey.

10. But whatever comes of this outside help, the situation in Greece will be resolved by the Greeks themselves. The principle of the primacy of internal factors applies to this situation, too. Now, the risks are all the more considerable in that Syriza is only formally in power. We know – we can feel it – that already the old political forces are engaged in intrigues behind the scenes. Even beyond the fact that state power very rapidly corrupts, when it is acquired in regular and non-revolutionary conditions, we could obviously pose some classic questions: is Syriza in complete control of the police, the army, the justice system, the economic and financial oligarchy? Certainly not. The internal enemy still exists, it remains almost intact, it is still powerful, and it enjoys the support in the shadows of Syriza’s foreign enemies, including the European bureaucracy and the reactionary governments. The popular movement and its grassroots organisations must keep a constant watch over the government’s actions. To repeat – the "No" in the referendum will only be a true force when it continues into very powerful independent movements.

11. International popular support – a ceaseless one, one that demonstrates, one that catches the media’s attention – must devote all its forces to Greece’s possible call for mobilisation. Today, I’ll remind you, 10 percent of the world population possesses 86 percent of disposable wealth. The world capitalist oligarchy is very narrow, very concentrated, and very organised. Faced with this, dispersed peoples lacking in political unity and closed off within their national borders, will remain weak and almost impotent. Everything today is playing out at a global level. Transforming the Greek cause into an international cause of very powerful symbolic value is a necessity, and, therefore, a duty.

- See our Greece Reading List for more articles, interviews and books on Greece and the Eurozone crisis.

_ Note /thoughts


                                                                                            its love's hardy angel


                                                       i like (y)  our beauty/ conversation

 love's hardy angel likes our conversation
                                         that discourse around the sky




 Mister Duffy what's happening across the span of your blogs? and other works? and days and nights does it ring a bell?
   a bell to ring ringing a bell?

 Ploughing through drafts and drafts of posts either sent and then reverted or never sent.

_______________ How then does it fit into the machine? or the overall picture as they say?

    It fits like a tea cup into a  book ?


.. from Book 9

__________                                                                            -----------------------

  Adam's heart-rending  cry of  loyalty to Eve as he speaks after the 'Fall'  _'How can I live without thee' _about his love his willingness  even unto death as they are now  bound  having left 'immortality'  behind in Eden ____  to be with her in spite of God's judgement so called and the loss of the garden, but to her company and  'sweet converse' he will not leave go:

How can I live without thee, how forgoe
Thy sweet Converse and Love so dearly joyn'd,
To live again in these wilde Woods forlorn? [ 910 ]

Should God create another Eve, and I
Another Rib afford, yet loss of thee
Would never from my heart; no no, I feel
The Link of Nature draw me: Flesh of Flesh,
Bone of my Bone thou art, and from thy State [ 915 ]
Mine never shall be parted, bliss or woe.  

John Milton's Paradise Lost  Book 9 . 908-16